UK Riots About More Than Just Immigration

About three quarters of Britons consider far-right extremism, racism, and religious polarisation serious issues. About half also believe that the UK is currently unsafe for muslims. However, the riots that shook the country last week do not at all represent the values espoused by Britons (73%).

The rioters’ ways and means may be almost universally despised and rejected, that does not necessarily mean that most people feel safe and well in their green and pleasant land. Research by More in Common has found that popular opinion cannot be conveniently divided into opposing camps. The research group tries to map and understand the forces that undermine social cohesion and find common ground.

The firm likens British attitudes in immigration to a Russian doll: the small groups that cause disturbances is contained within a larger one that condones violence which, in turn, is nestled inside an even larger cohort that may understand the violence but rejects and condemns it outright.

Only about seven percent of those queried by More in Common object to the UK being a multi-ethnic country whilst double that number agree that the rioters speak and act for people like them. Amongst UK Reform voters that percentage triples.

The rioters and their sympathisers amplify their rage through the active use of social media where they voice their indignation over two-tier policing that supposedly favours ethnic minorities at the expense of ‘native’ Britons.

A majority of voters in the UK and elsewhere in Europe considers current immigration levels too high. Although seldom openly expressed outside the radicalised fringe, many would seem to agree with the suspicion that muslims in particular are prone to causing trouble. The apparent intolerance of their religion sparks demands for the acceptance and accommodation of a way of life seemingly incompatible with that of the host nation.

Radicals Move Centerstage

Liberal politicians have avoided a frank discussion on the pros and cons of immigration. By ignoring the issue, or merely paying lip service to it, politicians from the progressive left to the moderate right have left the field at the mercy of radicals.

On one extreme, the supremely woke who carry the weight of history on their feeble shoulders and live in perpetual shame over their ethnicity – a sort of white man’s burden in reverse. On the other dwell the extremist crusaders who fashion themselves latter-day avengers called upon to defend the ‘blood and soil’ assailed by foreign hordes.

By refusing to address the legitimate concerns of non-extremist voters on both sides of the argument, and by limiting their interventions to politically correct waffling, the political moderates have abandoned these people – and are pushing them slowly towards more radical postures.

In each election cycle, the establishment holds its collective breath fearful of nationalist parties bursting out of left field to take centerstage. In The Netherlands this has already happened with Geert Wilders’ Freedom Party becoming the largest bloc in parliament and throwing its considerable weight behind a government that promised to introduce the strictest migration policy yet.

In France, Marine Le Pen bides her time in the knowledge that before long her Rassemblement National is bound to score an electoral win. In Italy, Hungary, and Slovakia governments are already in power that try to reduce immigration with policies that discourage new arrivals and increase the bureaucratic burdens placed on them.

So far, most of these initiatives have failed to bring down immigration numbers in a meaningful way. The exception is the UK where the introduction of stricter visa rules and procedures had some effect on the arrival of fake students and others playing the system.

Whenever politicians or candidates to public office question the wisdom of continued high levels of immigration, howls of indignation promptly arise, including accusations of racism and xenophobia. In some quarters this has fuelled conspiracy theories that often feature outrageous claims about the evil intent of the powers that be, all the while fomenting political polarisation and social anxiety.

Addressing Concerns

In order to save liberalism and ensure its survival it may become necessary to at least acknowledge the existence of concerns and discuss ways to address them. European governments also need to accept that the continent, still an oasis of relative peace and harmony in a turbulent world, cannot possibly welcome all comers and must try to keep out immigrants who may find it difficult to adjust life in a secular society. It remains astonishing that quite a few asylum seekers fleeing oppressive regimes wish to replicate the laws and customs of their home countries in their adopted ones.

People on the run from oppression or war must, however, continue to find a heartfelt welcome in Europe. It is difficult, if not impossible, to argue that the tens of thousands of strong and healthy young men crossing the Mediterranean in rickety boats in the hope of being picked up, and conveyed to their destination, by rescue ships have been persecuted at home for their convictions. They are but looking to improve their lot in life. Noble and laudable as their pursuit of happiness may be, it is not Europe’s problem.

Learned economists explain that the countries of the continent stand in desperate need of immigrants given the tight labour market, the ticking time bomb of low birthrates, and the need for more people of working age to sustain those in retirement. But, instead of adding immigrants to address these (very real) issues, governments may consider way to increase productivity as an alternative: less people producing a higher output. Should artificial intelligence really take off, still a doubtful proposition, higher productivity is likely to result.

Voters veer towards the nationalist right, not because they are bigoted or racist, but because their immediate surroundings have changed into something they simply cannot relate too. The fixtures of the previously fairly stable society have become fluid with strange new social norms and economic circumstances that introduce a measure of uncertainty and doubt. Prior certainties, such as, say, the ability to form a family, find a home, and ascend to a safe job, have all but disappeared.

Much as some liberals eager to roll out the red carpet try to argue otherwise, the arrival of hundreds of thousands of newcomers puts pressure on the availability and price of homes given that builders cannot keep up with demand. During last year’s election campaign in The Netherlands, Mr Wilders had a point when he commented that the numbers arriving would necessitate the building of a fairly-sized new city of 200,000 inhabitants each year just to keep up with demand.

Though the civil unrest in the UK was specifically aimed at foreigners in general and muslims in particular, a great many more facets of modern life contributed to the unrest and the generalised feeling of unease and dissatisfaction that prevail in many, or actually most, European countries.

Add everything up – changing demographics, changing climate, stratospheric house prices, failing healthcare services, war, austerity, and demagoguery – and it is a small wonder that societal peace has been largely maintained. However, that veneer of tranquility is not only perilously thin, it also hides from view a simmering and growing anger with events and developments. Sometimes, that anger boils over as it did last week in the UK where a small band of assorted hooligans hijacked other people’s inner feelings to disturb public order.

If all the British government can now do is to pressure the courts into coming down with the full force of the law on the troublemakers, it shows but a complete and utter disdain for the underlying  causes of the violence in a move that will virtually assure a repeat of the disturbances on a still bigger scale at some time in the future. Whilst repression has its uses, and the rioters should not get a free pass, discussing and addressing the underlying issues would seem the wiser course of action.

Cover photo: British patrol vessel navigating the Channel.

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@ 2013 Photo by Brian Burnell